BOOK TWO                                            
FEBRUARY, 1953

THE SEVENTEENTH MOVE

There were a dozen tired players seated around the circular table in the Gaming Center. A bell sounded. A cheer went up in the Gaming Center. The consoles all flashed the same message:

MOVE 16: KING OF ZEMBLIA RETURNS. CRISES OVER.

"Well done, Gentlemen," Tracy said, applauding the players. "Move 16 concludes the Game of Nations. Victory, we can all agree, is sweet, even if it is only a game. I want to thank Professor Foxx for guiding us though this very enlightening exercise in crises-management."

The dozen players looked more relieved then exhilarated. The last round of the game had lasted just over five hours. The fatigue showed in their faces. All but Professor Lazblum, who had replaced Professor Abraham in the third round, made a quick exit. Lazblum chatted with Tracy, then made a "V" sign to Foxx, as if to suggest that Foxx's promised position at Yale was in the bag.

Foxx smiled back to Lazblum and Tracy, as they straggled out of the room. Despite the "Victory" gesture, he suspected he would never get the tenured job at Yale or anywhere else. Ever since he had received Christina's letter from Lisbon, he knew the score. Tracy wanted to keep him in the thrall of the CIA and he would wreck his academic career if he tried to slip off the hook. He would use those obscene photographs, and whatever else it took, to keep him in the Game of Nations.

Christina's letter , which he had reread a dozen times, by now had been indelibly inscribed in his mind. "As much affection as I have for you, and always will, I cannot see you again. I could never respect a man that let himself be used like a dishcloth," her letter had began. "Make no mistake about it, they have used you, in dirtier ways than you can imagine, for the profit of the oil companies. You let them." Without saying how she obtained them, she went on to provide him with details of the behind-the-scene machinations of the oil companies. "If you have any doubt about how they will continue to use you for their slimy designs, open the enclosed envelope." She concluded "I wouldn't say what they did to me. I hope you can find some way to redeem yourself, but I doubt you will have the courage."

In the enclosed envelope, wrapped in some documents about the incorporation of a Luxembourg company called Satrap, he had found pictures of him and Christina emulating the Kama Sutra in the Hay-Adams hotel. Tracy had rigged their room, he had then realized, with a hidden camera. His only purpose could be blackmail. Had the CIA also had equally compromising snapshots of him with his tutee? Of course, he hade prudently assumed. So Tracy had allowed him to lie on the lie detector test to further compromise himself. What a tangled web he had enmeshed himself in. He had welled up with anger thinking of how Tracy had charmed him into service with his Old Boy manner. He also had understood instantly that Tracy had tried to blackmail Christina into silence. Her words "redeem yourself" kept repeating themselves in his mind, like a religious mantra. Redeem himself, like an exchanged coupon. But how could he redeem himself— and for what value?

The only advantage he had at this point, he thought, was that they didn't know that he knew about their blackmail plans. He wanted Tracy to believed he was still "on the reservation," as Tracy once put it. So he had come to Washington for this final round. He made all their moves, now he needed more information before he could make his own move.

Foxx left the Gaming Center, took the elevator back down to the main floor and headed for the classified research library. It was empty, except for a hairy man sitting at a long table flipping through a foot-high stack of papers and the buxom red-headed librarian.

"Can I help you, sir?" asked the red head.

Foxx displayed his credentials. After he had passed the lie-detector test, The CIA had approved a need-to-know clearance for him on matters pertaining to Iran. "I need to see the reports on the status of the oil industry in Iran."

"It will take a few minutes," she said. With a business-like smile, she escorted him to a desk in an alcove, where he sat at a small desk.

Ten minutes later, she returned pulling a cart of documents, "This is our entire Iran oil file."

He picked up a thick loose-leaf binder, entitled "DEPARTMENT OF JUSTICE: INVESTIGATION OF THE INTERNATIONAL OIL CARTEL." It began:

"Following cancellation of the wartime suspension of antitrust investigations and prosecution of the oil industry, investigation of the worldwide cartel activities was resumed. Investigative efforts revealed the outline of a world petroleum cartel formed in 1928 by Anglo-Iranian Oil, Royal Dutch Shell, and Standard Oil of New Jersey. Over the succeeding years, four other American companies joined the cartel, Standard Oil of California, Mobil, Texaco, and Gulf. It appears that the uninterrupted extension of this basic cartel agreement has resulted in a worldwide pattern in which seven of the major oil companies (1) control all major producing areas outside the United States; (2) control all foreign refining operations; (3) effectively divide world markets; (4) maintain noncompetitive world prices for oil; and (5) control all foreign pipelines and world tanker transportation facilities."

He moved on another fold. It contained secret history of the oil cartel compiled by the CIA's Office of Economic Assessment. He traced out how the cartel had dominated new oil discoveries in the Middle east, Asia or Latin America from 1928 to 1951. They used consortiums. Each time oil had been discovered, the cartel offered the government of that country a deal in which a "consortium," made up of selected cartel members, would get the concession for the oil. If the country refused to accept that offer, the cartel would deny that country the tankers to ship the oil out of the country . As it turned out, almost every country had accepted the deal and turned their oil production over to the cartel's consortiums.

A special coda to the report had been prepared for Iran after Mossadeq had broken the cartel's arrangement by nationalizing his country's oil. It was labeled "NO FORN," meaning "Not Releasable to Foreign Nationals." It documented how the cartel how closed down Iran's oil exports. In not only shut its refinery in Iran but it withdrew all its tankers. By 1953, only a trickle of oil flowed out of Iran.

The monthly update, attached to the report, showed that the oil blockade had stopped, all but a a handful of independently-owned charter tankers, from reaching Iran.

Foxx suddenly envisioned a way to redeem himself. He rushed over to the librarian. "Do you have a file on the international oil tanker fleet."

"It will take a minute, Dr. Foxx," Her red head, bobbing behind the stacks, disappeared in the classified stacks.

Ten minutes later, he was reading a report entitled "National Security Implications of Excess Tanker Capacity." It noted that the shut-down of oil exports from Iran had greatly diminished the demand for oil tankers, especially those on short-term charter. Charter prices for these ships had plunged by over ninety-percent in the past three months and were expected to keep falling as long as the Iranian crisis continued. Consequently, independent tanker owners, unwilling to pay the cost of operating empty tankers, had moth-balled large parts of their fleets. On appendix listed the independent tanker owner who still had charter ships operating. The largest was Aristotle Onassis.

By the time, the librarian came over to tell him the library was closing, Foxx had come up with a possible seventeenth move.


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